Israel-Palestine: Federation or Apartheid? is Professor Shlomo Sand’s most recent fascinating, albeit slightly depressing, book. After analysing aspects of Judaism and the Jewish national movement (Zionism) in earlier books, Sand has turned to the history of binational strands of thought within Zionism. Sand, a Jewish-Israeli history professor, holds opinions which firmly place him on the political left. Until recently, he regularly described his politics as pragmatic, supporting and advocating for a two-state solution. However, in his latest book, Sand’s position has changed, weaving together historical review and political argument to advocate for the creation of a Jewish-Palestinian federation – a solution that entails shared sovereignty without compromising on either side’s self-determination.
Threading a delicate line between pessimism and optimism, Sand clearly tells the readers, ‘from any point of view, a binational federation appears to be more realistic and humane solution than a two-state entity’ (p. 205). That said, he acknowledges many of the critics of such a solution, who are quick to point out it is unrealistic, as well as recognizes the steep challenges facing the region. In the Preface, he writes, ‘it seems that the region is condemned to undergo a number of catastrophes before reason, equality, and justice find some way to take root in it.’ Nevertheless, in reference a Jewish-Palestinian federation, Sand recalls what the founder of Zionism, Theodor Herzl, said, ‘if you will it, it is no dream’ (p. xii).
The book’s arc of analysis focuses on Jewish binational political thought. It begins with early-Zionist thinkers, such as Ahad Ha’am, runs through revisionists, like Jabotinsky, Marxists, and ends with contemporary thinkers. While similar types of analysis on Zionist political thought have been done (see Beyond the Nation-State: The Zionist Political Imagination from Pinsker to Ben-Gurion by Dmitry Shumsky), Sand’s analysis is relevant, valuable and unique to contemporary political debates in two ways. First, while most scholars focus either on the past, the present, or the future, Sand successfully analyses all three. Second, Sand goes beyond the purely Jewish-Israeli lens of analysis and discussion which too often plagues thinking about solutions for this conflict in Israeli political discourse and analyses Palestinian voices.
In reference to Sands’s first contribution, in chapter eight, ‘1967: A Land to Be Shared or a Land to Be Unified?’, Sand analyses the political discussion about alternatives to the two-state solution that has been ongoing in recent years. There, he mentions current prominent voices in support of binational solutions, such as professors Peter Beinart, Ilan Pepe, politician Abraham Borg, and philosopher Omri Boehm. A professor of history, Sand applies the same analytical skills to this contemporary debate and, in some ways, is writing ongoing history. Beyond being interesting, this chapter is also politically smart. Unlike other historians (such as Shumsky) who only write about historical figures, Sand breaks from only discussing the past and allows readers to engage, if they choose, in the political arena in support of creating a federation today.
Regarding his second contribution, in the ninth chapter, ‘You Can’t Clap with One Hand’, Sand looks at Palestinian debates on political solutions and forms of a one-state solution. There, he examines the work of Edward Said, Fawzi Darwish al-Husseini, Lama Abu-Odeh and others. Sand explains that ‘extremely few Arab voices have been heard expressing the wish to be integrated into a federative coexistence.’ This, he tells the readers, is for the ‘simple’ reason that the Arab population was the majority and saw no reason to compromise with ‘the colonisers [that] came to settle in a small, narrow strip of land inhabited by almost a million people’ (p. 162). Throughout the chapter, Sand makes clear that the inclusion of Arab political thought is essential when discussing political compromises and paths forward.
After the nine chapters that look at past intellectuals and leaders, the tenth, ‘Alternatives: Apartheid? Transfer? Or a Binational Compromise?’, includes Sand’s political argument. This chapter can be seen as a culmination of his project and in it, Sand builds on his analysis of Zionism and the creation of a Jewish national identity, developed in earlier books.
In this chapter, Sand effectively argues against the injustice of Israel’s hold of the Occupied Palestinian Territories, which he deems to be apartheid, and discusses the factors that enabled this situation to continue (p. 185-190). Then he faces the ‘Secret Option’, which is ‘transferring’ (ethnically cleansing) the native population (p. 193-196). And finally, he deals with the ‘Imaginary Options’: the two-state solution (‘at best, a form of naivety); a confederation (‘an extra level of illusion’); a secular-democratic state (‘offers no institutional or legal expression to the cultural and national specificity of each of the two entities’); and a binational (‘a federation of two or more entities’), for which he advocates (p. 196-199).
Interestingly and somewhat unfortunately, Sand does not directly address his personal change of thought, from supporting the two-state solution to supporting a federation. Nevertheless, the close reader can infer the change is (at least partially) driven by a pragmatic political analysis. While in the past Sand supported the two-state solution because he thought it was the likeliest one to succeed, he now writes that a federation is the most realistic solution (p. 205).
However, he concludes that ‘hopes for the gradual realisation of a moderate vision seem unlikely to be fulfilled in the current hostile atmosphere.’ Sand tells his readers that the construction of a federation ‘is possible only when two communities, in spite of cultural differences and economic disparities, can see beyond a conflictual past and the persistence of antagonistic interests’ and they ‘aspire to strengthen the relations of trust and solidarity between them.’ This, Sand believes, happens after two communities have ‘realised that there is no other choice’ (p. 199).
Throughout the book, Sand does not ignore the ongoing war in Gaza, but as his analysis is grounded in history, it is mostly discussed in the Preface and Afterward. In the Forward, he tells his readers that ‘the 7 October massacre was in some ways an indirect repercussion of the Nakba’ and adds that ‘the origins of the Palestinians’ hatred and the long, heart-breaking conflict lie in 1948.’ So, he asks, ‘can an exclusively Jewish state in the Middle East have any secure future?’ (p. x).
By the time readers reach the Afterword, Sand has given an answer. Taking his historical-political analysis as well as the ongoing war into account, he believes that ‘from many points of view, a binational federation appears to be a more realistic and humane solution than a two-state entity’. Yet, he emphasises, ‘any solution – even a flawed or incomplete one – that might reduce the constant violence in Gaza or the West Bank, end the apartheid regime, and promote even a small degree of equality between the two people is to be supported’ (p. 205).
Sand’s earlier books, including The Invention of the Land of Israel – which argues that historically Israel held a mythical, and not a geographical-political, role for Jews and thus they did not aspire to return to it – have sparked an interest among Jews in Israel and worldwide. It is still unclear, however, whether Israel-Palestine: Federation or Apartheid? will do the same. As he wrote in the Afterword, ‘political thought in Israel appears to be stagnant or lost in the intoxicating sound of war drums’ (p. 204). Bad news for a book grounded in political thought. Nevertheless, it is likely to be picked up, at least, by liberal intellectuals who are already engaged in discussions of future political visions (such as those mentioned in chapter eight and their followers).
Within the ongoing discussion about a federal solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Sand’s book bridges an important intellectual gap. It sits neatly between Shumsky’s Beyond the Nation-State: The Zionist Political Imagination from Pinsker to Ben-Gurion, which analyses the original Zionist thinkers, and those discussing the conflict’s contemporary developments or laying out new political visions, like Boehm’s Haifa Republic: A Democratic Future for Israel. Sand quickly moves from ‘classical’ Zionist thinkers to contemporary debates, informing the readers and preparing them to take part in the debate.
As the topic of the book suggests, Israel-Palestine: Federation or Apartheid? is a challenging and, at times, heavy read. Nevertheless, Sand succeeded in making it relatively easy to read for those accustomed to academic writing, and accessible enough for the everyday reader who is interested in the topic. While the deep referencing will be useful for scholars, the writing style and relatively brief review of each figure and topic keep it engaging.
Finally, while Sand clearly argues for the creation of a federation, as the title suggests, he leaves room to evaluate his arguments and other political solutions. On one hand, the referencing of sources allows readers from across the political spectrum to follow his ideas and challenge them where necessary. On the other hand, unlike many other scholars, Sand does not give his readers a finalised conclusion to accept, but rather introduces a debate with which to engage. The clear construction of his argument, which is based on a rejection of both the current situation and the two-state solution, allows those who disagree to refute his premises.
For the most part, Sand does not deal with the creation of or transition into a federation, or the idea’s reception in the current Israeli political discourse. He claims the conflict’s political climate is frozen and guides readers to ‘brace’ for more violence. Although he assesses nearly a century of political thought, he does not indicate which actions could be relevant and useful today. Nor does Sand address the challenges facing similar post-conflict power sharing agreements, such as those in Northern Ireland and Bosnia. If the reader is also expecting a comprehensive roadmap for moving beyond the current conflict, they will likely be disappointed. However, it may be too much to ask of a book to clearly explain the past and guide us to the future.
For those interested in the discussion on different political solutions for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Shlomo Sand’s Israel-Palestine: Federation or Apartheid? is a worthwhile read. It is opinionated and guides to the author’s conclusion, but critical readers will be able to make up their own minds and gain from the experience. Moreover, in the depressing present political climate, Sand’s cautious optimism, that ‘if you will it, it is no dream’, is a breath of fresh air.