It was division, not unity, on display in almost every nation senior royals landed in earlier this year as they toured the Commonwealth to mark the Queen’s Platinum Jubilee. The Prime Ministers of Jamaica and Antigua and Barbuda respectively informed their royal visitors directly that they intended to ‘move beyond’ the monarchy and wished to raise the issue of reparation payments by European nations to their former colonies. Open letters calling for apologies and compensation signed by activists, politicians and intellectuals were issued by both nations and the Bahamas to coincide with the royal visits. On the streets of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines banners were raised demanding an end to ‘neo-colonialism’ and calling for ‘compensation now’; a trip to a village in Belize intended to begin the Duke and Duchess’ tour was cancelled after locals protested their arrival.
On the face of it, this is not a particularly successful outreach attempt for any nation. In the case of a nation attempting to implement a “Global Britain” approach to foreign affairs partly characterized by a new awareness of the potential, both economic and cultural, of the Global South, it is particularly troubling. Proponents of this strategy frequently emphasize Britain’s pre-established international links and the Commonwealth is often held up as a potential tool for this new Britain, a historical organization providing a unique relationship with much of the Global South. But Britain’s relationship with these nations is far from straightforward, being shaped and complicated by economic priorities, the diversity of member states, cultural and political mismatches, and the inescapable shadow of shared colonial history. Taking these factors into account, is the Commonwealth really an opportunity for Britain to forge new relationships with the Global South? Or does the experience of the royal visitors earlier this year encapsulate Britain’s use of the Commonwealth in this way: extending the hand of historical and cultural links via an antiquated institution, only to be met with distrust, anger, and a sense of total incompatibility?
An association of 54 nations, established in 1949, the Commonwealth of Nations contains 2.5 billion people, or almost one-third of the global population. Of these, 2.4 billion (47 nations) are in the Global South; the Commonwealth is one of few organizations, such as the United Nations, World Trade Organization, and International Criminal Court, where Global North and Global South nations are grouped together and are ostensibly on equal grounds. While members continue to meet biennially to discuss international issues and agree on collective projects, the organization has lost practical relevance to Britain over time, as the defence policies of protecting an empire were substituted for involvement in alliances like NATO and economic relations with former colonies paled in comparison to those with the United States and continental Europe. Reversing these 20th century trends, especially economically, is seen as a vital task for the new Global Britain.
Past, present, and future relationships
A desire to boost intra-Commonwealth trade was endorsed by all member states at the 2018 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, setting a target of $2 trillion by 2030, hailing the Commonwealth as a pathway to expanded trade links with the Global South.
However, this expanded economic role may not come to fruition. The Global South nations of the Commonwealth are a diverse group, encompassing highly populated and potentially major future economies; desperately poor nations; and a number of countries at some stage between the two extremes, including many comparatively tiny island nations. These categories cannot and will not, for practical reasons, be treated identically by Britain. Rather than reinforcing Commonwealth solidarity, Britain’s scramble for post-Brexit independent trade deals seems to have seen the Commonwealth circumvented in favour of bilateral talks and agreements, particularly focusing on those Global South nations seen as the economic leaders of the future, such as recent efforts to secure deals with India and Nigeria. In the pragmatic world of international trade relations, it seems both feasible and insensible to speak as though such an economically diverse group of nations could be treated like a new kind of single market.
Even if economic links have degenerated over time and face questions about their future, the enduring cultural influence of the Commonwealth, especially as a tool of British soft power, has been emphasized. The 1991 Harare Declaration and 2012 Charter of the Commonwealth committed the Commonwealth to several principles, including anti-racism, democracy, and world peace, meaning that, in theory, the Commonwealth is built around a set of shared values. In practice, however, its record is mixed. Nations such
as Fiji and Pakistan have been suspended from the organization throughout its history after failing to act in the spirit of said values; in contrast, Rwanda’s membership application was approved despite the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative finding that its government and human rights record did not adhere to Commonwealth principles. Current Global South members exhibit a wide range of social and political attitudes, such as on press freedom, the death penalty and LGBT rights, including attitudes which the average Briton would likely find unacceptable. If, after over 70 years since its creation, member attitudes are still so different, how effective can the Commonwealth be said to be as a tool for cultural influence?
Putting the effectiveness of the Commonwealth at securing British aims aside, Britain’s presumed right to try and use it in this way must be examined. The Commonwealth is nominally an organization of equal nations, raising the question of why Britain feels entitled to expect these Global South nations to meet any and all economic and cultural demands it puts forward, especially entering a century during which several of these nations may reach economic and developmental parity with the ‘First World’.
These British attempts to assert dominance (or ‘leadership’) may seem indicative of a continued antiquated and patronizing ‘colonial’ mindset; concerns over the retention of this attitude within Britain’s interaction with the Commonwealth are understandable given the origins of the organization and the particular continued historical and cultural ties between Britain and its Global South members today.
A Royal Problem
Perhaps the most significant cultural and historical tie still in existence between Commonwealth members is the monarchy: a bond stemming from the days when the majority of Commonwealth nations were under the control of the British Empire. The ceremonial position of Head of the Commonwealth has only ever been held by the British monarch, first George VI, his successor Elizabeth II, and the current King Charles III. Alongside this, royal tours have been a staple of the Commonwealth since its inception, with Elizabeth II having visited every member nation bar two; however, as seen with recent events, royal tours have often become opportunities for grievances to be raised against the British monarchy, government, and nation as a whole.
A relatively small percentage of nations in the Commonwealth are actually Commonwealth realms: that is, nations with King Charles III as their head of state, and calls to shift to a republican system of government among these nations grow stronger with every year.
Barbados removed the (late) Queen as head of state in November 2021, lowering the number of Commonwealth realms to fifteen; Jamaica looks likely to follow soon. In addition to the protests that frequently mark their visits, these republican ambitions suggest an increasing desire from Global South members to move beyond the British monarchy. Questions have been raised as to whether the Commonwealth itself could move beyond it; the leadership position is not hereditary and the idea of the office rotating between member states has been suggested by some, especially as India may soon overtake Britain as the largest member economy, making its de facto leadership position somewhat shakier. Despite these debates, in 2018 member states agreed to select then heir to the throne Prince Charles (now, King) as the next head, suggesting that the Commonwealth is firmly committed to this part of its history, even if many of its Global South member populations are not. These diverging views, with Britain also committed to the monarch’s continued role as leader of the Commonwealth, do little to alleviate fears that the Commonwealth is at best an organization of members with seemingly little in common in the present day and at worst a colonially-originated institution out of touch with its members and the modern world.
A house divided?
If attitudes held by Global South members could risk undermining Britain’s goal to expand its relationships with them via the Commonwealth, it is important to examine whether British attitudes are compatible with this strategy either. In order to move away from the perception that the Commonwealth and its Global South members exist merely to meet Britain’s needs, and likely necessary to actually secure any kind of closer future relationship, a Britain wishing to reach out to these nations must be willing to offer concessions to them.
Beyond the world of royal tours and the monarchy, Global South nations have made demands to the British government directly. In 2013 the Caribbean Community, thirteen of whose fifteen members are Commonwealth nations or British Overseas Territories, established a reparations commission and laid out a ten point plan for European nations to rectify the ‘persistent suffering’ of former colonies. These demands have since been reiterated by the Community, in particular with efforts to link them to increased global discussion of racism in the summer of 2020. This discussion of reparations is a controversial one in Britain, with a 2014 YouGov poll suggesting that 66% of British adults believe European nations should not pay compensation to Caribbean nations impacted by the slave trade; the British government provides foreign aid to many Commonwealth members but in a 2020 statement confirmed that ‘reparations are not part of the Government’s approach’. On the wider issue of past imperialism, according to a 2020 YouGov survey more Britons are likely to think that countries colonized by Britain are better off for being part of the empire (33%) than worse off (17%). In addition to this, concessions such as visa eligibility have been raised as part of trade talks with nations such as India, despite a majority of Britons failing to support the increases in immigration these concessions may bring, even if they are necessary to securing a trade deal.
On an ideological level, such fundamental disagreements regarding both Britain’s past, present, and future relationship with these nations further calls into question the Common- wealth’s alleged role as an or- ganization allowing for a special bond between its members.
Conclusion
Britain’s path to a closer relationship with the Global South via the Commonwealth is far from straightforward. Despite statements by the organization’s supporters, it has failed to build meaningful economic and cultural ties between its members and the issues which have impeded these ties won’t disappear any time soon. Its sheer diversity makes further economic integration unfeasible, while the talk of ‘shared values’ is not backed up by action, making the Commonwealth ineffective at delivering meaningful change in international affairs.
Aside from a purely pragmatic analysis, Britain’s desire to reach out to Global South nations via an organization influenced by a shared colonial history, more significantly a history which these governments and populations appear to fundamentally disagree on, points to deeper issues in Britain’s attitude towards these nations. Britain, like many traditional ‘first-world’ countries, can be accused of retaining an antiquated mindset of entitlement and dominance towards nations deemed less developed. As we move further into the 21st century, with the economic and geopolitical changes this will bring, Britain must change this mindset if it is to build mutually respectful and beneficial relations with the rising Global South; the Commonwealth, with its unequal nature, cultural disconnects, and colonial origins, is not the organization to make this change.
Rebecca Myers is a first year History and Politics undergraduate at Hertford College, University of Oxford.
This piece previously appeared in our 7th print issue, “Looking South.” You can read the full issue here: https://issuu.com/oxfordpoliticalreview/docs/opr_issue_7_final.